Dear newsletter subscriber,
“Conservation must be led by Indigenous Peoples, because we know better.” These words come from the Nairobi Declaration, which was presented at a congress at the end of September in the Kenyan capital. Indigenous representatives from 16 countries gathered at the meeting, and no one tried to suppress the general anger. There was broad agreement on the fact that many environmental protection programmes, especially CO₂ compensation projects, are simply “green colonialism”.
“Our territories are sold through carbon markets, biodiversity credits and offset regimes that greenwash the destructive behavior of transnational corporations,” the declaration proclaims. It goes on to explain that this often happens without Indigenous communities being sufficiently informed about the projects in question. Journalists from Indonesia and Tanzania have recently reported for D+C on relevant cases that could not have been more ignorant of local circumstances and traditions (see Deep Dives).
An analysis of 111 studies by the University of British Columbia, published in May, made clear how unwise it is to ignore the expertise of Indigenous groups when it comes to environmental protection. Seventy-five per cent of the studies reported that areas protected by Indigenous Peoples achieved positive conservation outcomes that were often comparable or even superior to those achieved in government-protected areas.
In order for Indigenous expertise to bring about greater benefits with regard to the climate and biodiversity crises, there need to be opportunities for knowledge transfer. That is one of the roles of the media. Indigenous representatives contribute regularly to D+C – last year, for example, we devoted an entire issue to the topic. The international system certainly also has mechanisms and platforms in place to incorporate Indigenous perspectives – but it must use them more consistently. The next prominent opportunity to hear Indigenous voices will be at COP in November in Turkey. The global community would be well advised to not let it slip away.
Please feel free to share your opinions, criticisms and suggestions by emailing us at euz.editor@dandc.eu. |
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Kind regards,
Katharina Otieno editor at D+C |
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Indigenous protest against projects on Indonesia’s “geothermal island” |
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© picture alliance / ASSOCIATED PRESS / Khalil Senosi
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For VW to receive CO₂ credits, the Maasai’s cattle must run faster
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As part of a Volkswagen CO₂ offset project aimed at maximising carbon storage in the soil, the Maasai in Tanzania are to drive their herds to new grazing grounds more frequently and more quickly. So in East Africa, cattle are being rushed along so that a German car manufacturer can obtain CO₂ credits – and no, this is not satire. It should come as little surprise that the idea is met with resistance from the Indigenous Maasai, whose grazing practices have worked for centuries. |
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© picture alliance / Design Pics / Kenneth Whitten
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How Indigenous rules can help curb wildfires
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© picture alliance / robertharding / Michael Runkel
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Learning climate resilience from the Tuareg
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Our latest Digital Monthly:
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| International law under attack |
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people cannot afford a healthy diet, according to the report “The State of Food Security and Nutrition in the World (SOFI) 2026” published by the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) – that is equivalent to one third of the global population. For many people the question is thus not only whether there is enough food available, but also whether they can afford the food necessary for a healthy life.
According to the FAO, the challenge lies in making nutrient-rich foods more affordable. Starchy staple foods provide around 50 % of global calories but account for only six per cent of the cost of food. Meanwhile fruit and vegetables are disproportionately expensive. In our December issue, we will delve deeper into the topic of malnutrition.
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South Africa’s Constitutional Court – the country’s highest court and final court of appeal – revoked Shell and Impact Africa’s exploration rights on the Wild Coast, thereby halting plans to search for oil and gas along the coast using seismic surveys. The intense underwater noise caused by these surveys raised concerns about potential harm to marine life and ecosystems, particularly as local communities have close cultural and economic ties to the sea.
The court found that both the consultation with local communities and the consideration of key environmental and climate concerns were inadequate. What began in 2021 with six local councils, NGOs and environmental justice organisations has developed into the first climate case to be heard before South Africa’s Constitutional Court and is regarded as a landmark ruling on climate justice. Five key dimensions of climate justice can be derived from the court’s approach, as Angela van der Berg, an expert in environmental and climate law, has outlined in “The Conversation”: procedural justice, recognition justice, distributive justice and intergenerational justice, as well as an understanding of justice that encompasses not only people but also ecosystems and other species.
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| What has also caught our interest |
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The new British Minister for International Development wants to change her job title
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The new British Minister for International Development and Africa, Kirsty McNeill, has declared that “the era of development” is over. McNeill describes current issues such as climate change, unemployment and gender-based violence as universal and emphasises that the search for solutions requires a shift in thinking. Consequently, in a speech in September, she stated that she would prefer to serve as minister for “security through solidarity”.
The minister’s rhetoric of “mutual interest” contrasts with that of recent UK governments, which often framed development aid spending as a matter of national interest. She takes the view that whilst development aid spending may be of national benefit, this must not necessarily be the case, and argues that the UK’s “money, voice and expertise” should be used to achieve a greater impact. However, although she reaffirms her commitment to restoring the development aid budget from 0.3 % to 0.7 % of the country’s gross national income, no timetable has been set out.
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Zambia has voted – but doubts remain
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Hakainde Hichilema won Zambia’s 2026 presidential election back in August – but for Blessing Vava, this is only the beginning of the debate. In his article for “This is Africa”, he argues that a clear-cut result does not obscure the weaknesses of the electoral process. The focus is on strikingly low turnout figures compared with the last election, the temporary suspension of the count, premature victory claims and the dispute over allegedly falsified forms. Vava argues that the election should neither be reflexively declared a case of fraud nor should the obvious shortcomings be dismissed out of hand. At the same time, Zambia’s election is also, from a broader perspective, a test for the region and particularly for the Southern African Development Community (SADC). According to Vava, whilst the SADC’s observations regularly highlight problems, they often amount to nothing more than a report stating the facts, without any consequences.
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| Before “women’s empowerment” there were women exercising power |
Drawing on accounts of women-led movements in colonial-era Africa, feminist researcher Ngozi Nwosu-Juba examines in “Africa Is A Country” how the structures and language surrounding the issue of gender-based violence obscure women’s voices and their capacity for action. She reminds us that language shapes who is remembered as an agent of change or as a passive recipient. The rhetoric of “giving women a voice” erases their long history of political agency and resistance. It implies that women were voiceless and dependent on external actors to discover their power.
Instead, Ngozi-Juba calls on us to work to preserve and honour the history of women’s leadership and resistance. The current challenge in the fight against gender-based violence lies in creating and strengthening conditions under which women’s voices are heard, respected and taken seriously. Women do not need to be given a voice – rather, according to Ngozi-Juba, we must ensure that their voices are not drowned out by the work of NGOs, donors and development institutions.
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The I AM NALA Fellowship supports young African women who have experienced technology-facilitated gender-based violence (TFGBV) and are engaged in politics. Running from July to December 2027, the programme provides fellows with mentorship, training and advocacy support.
Application deadline: 31 January
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Impactpool’s virtual career fair “Shaping the Future – Women in Senior Roles 2026” on 22 October connects women in senior roles with international, multilateral, bilateral and NGO employers. The criteria for participation are more than seven years of relevant international work experience, a postgraduate degree (a Bachelor’s degree is considered with more work experience) and fluency in English. |
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Imprint
Publisher information: ENGAGEMENT GLOBAL gGmbH Service für Entwicklungsinitiativen
Publisher: Fazit Communication GmbH, Pariser Straße 1, D-60486 Frankfurt am Main, Germany Telephone: +49 (0)69 7591-3110 | Email: euz.editor@dandc.eu Webseite: www.fazit.de | Managing Directors: Jonas Grashey, Hannes Ludwig |
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